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1. The Israel lobby and US foreign policy
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http://mearsheimer.uchicago.edu/

OUR MODEL DICTATOR

The Guardian
Monday, January 28, 2008

Our Model Dictator

The death of Suharto is a reminder of the west's ignoble role in propping up a murderous regime

By John Pilger

In my film Death of a Nation, there is a sequence filmed on board an Australian aircraft flying over the island of Timor. A party is in progress, and two men in suits are toasting each other in champagne. "This is an historically unique moment," says one of them, "that is truly uniquely historical."

This was Gareth Evans, Australia's then foreign minister. The other man was Ali Alatas, the principal mouthpiece of the Indonesian dictator General Suharto, who died yesterday. The year was 1989, and the two were making a grotesquely symbolic flight to celebrate the signing of a treaty that would allow Australia and the international oil and gas companies to exploit the seabed off East Timor, then illegally and viciously occupied by Suharto. The prize, according to Evans, was "zillions of dollars".

Beneath them lay a land of crosses: great black crosses etched against the sky, crosses on peaks, crosses in tiers on the hillsides. Filming clandestinely in East Timor, I would walk into the scrub, and there were the crosses. They littered the earth and crowded the eye. In 1993, the foreign affairs committee of Australia's parliament reported that "at least 200,000" had died under Indonesia's occupation: almost a third of the population. Yet East Timor's horror, foretold and nurtured by the US, Britain and Australia, was a sequel. "No single American action in the period after 1945," wrote the historian Gabriel Kolko, "was as bloodthirsty as its role in Indonesia, for it tried to initiate the massacre." He was referring to Suharto's seizure of power in 1965-6, which caused the violent deaths of up to a million people.

To understand the significance of Suharto is to look beneath the surface of the current world order: the so-called global economy and the ruthless cynicism of those who run it. Suharto was our model mass murderer - "our" is used here advisedly. "One of our very best and most valuable friends," Thatcher called him. For three decades the south-east Asian department of the Foreign Office worked tirelessly to minimise the crimes of Suharto's gestapo, known as Kopassus, who gunned down people with British-supplied Heckler & Koch machine guns from British-supplied Tactica "riot control" vehicles.

A Foreign Office speciality was smearing witnesses to the bombing of East Timorese villages by British-supplied Hawk aircraft --until Robin Cook was forced to admit it was true. Almost a billion pounds in export credit guarantees financed the sale of the Hawks, paid for by the British taxpayer while the arms industry reaped the profit.

Only the Australians were more obsequious. "We know your people love you," the prime minister Bob Hawke told the dictator to his face. His successor, Paul Keating, regarded the tyrant as a father figure. Paul Kelly, a prominent Murdoch retainer, led a group of major newspaper editors to Jakarta, to fawn before the mass murderer even though they all knew his grisly record.

Here lies a clue as to why Suharto, unlike Saddam Hussein, died not on the gallows but surrounded by the finest medical team his secret billions could buy. Ralph McGehee, a senior CIA operations officer in the 1960s, describes the terror of Suharto's takeover in 1965-6 as "the model operation" for the US-backed coup that got rid of Salvador Allende in Chile seven years later. "The CIA forged a document purporting to reveal a leftist plot to murder Chilean military leaders," he wrote, "[just like] what happened in Indonesia in 1965." The US embassy in Jakarta supplied Suharto with a "zap list" of Indonesian Communist party members and crossed off the names when they were killed or captured. Roland Challis, BBC south-east Asia correspondent at the time, told me how the British government was secretly involved in this slaughter. "British warships escorted a ship full of Indonesian troops down the Malacca Straits so they could take part in the terrible holocaust," he said. "I and other correspondents were unaware of this at the time . . . There was a deal, you see."

The deal was that Indonesia under Suharto would offer up what Richard Nixon had called "the richest hoard of natural resources, the greatest prize in south-east Asia". In November 1967 the greatest prize was handed out at a remarkable three-day conference sponsored by the Time-Life Corporation in Geneva. Led by David Rockefeller, all the corporate giants were represented: the major oil companies and banks, General Motors, Imperial Chemical Industries, British American Tobacco, Siemens, US Steel and many others. Across the table sat Suharto's US-trained economists who agreed to the corporate takeover of their country, sector by sector. The Freeport company got a mountain of copper in West Papua. A US/European consortium got the nickel. The giant Alcoa company got the biggest slice of Indonesia's bauxite. America, Japanese and French companies got the tropical forests of Sumatra. When the plunder was complete,President Lyndon Johnson sent his congratulations on "a magnificent story of opportunity seen and promise awakened". Thirty years later, with the genocide in East Timor also complete, the World Bank described the Suharto dictatorship as a "model pupil".

Shortly before the death of Alan Clark, who under Thatcher was the minister responsible for supplying Suharto with most of his weapons, I interviewed him, and asked: "Did it bother you personally that you were causing such mayhem and human suffering?"

"No, not in the slightest," he replied. "It never entered my head."

"I ask the question because I read you are a vegetarian and are seriously concerned with the way animals are killed."

"Yeah?"

"Doesn't that concern extend to humans?"

"Curiously not."

www.johnpilger. com

Note:
Sekadar mengingatkan, John Pilger adalah wartawan investigasi asal Inggris. Salah satu bukunya adalah 'The Best Democracy Money Can Buy' yang antara lain mengungkapkan bagaimana kebijakan pemerintah Inggris turut ditentukan oleh para pelobi yang dibayar perusahaan-perusaha an besar ketimbang kepentingan publik.

BIG DREAMS OF A FUTURE LEADER

Students today leaders tomorrow, I know very well these words are not a joke. I felt from the very first time of my carrier in the higher education, students with a casual style, in the beginning, looked no one and have nothing. But after finishing their study in five, ten to 15 years they become someone and have something. So try always to treat them as good as you can give. Look into their eyes, read them, and guess what they should be in the future. Your prediction should not be too far from the reality.

Once in the middle of the semester, I asked the students:”What’s your dream ? Have you got any objectives in the next ten years ?”

Feel strange, wondering, stare at me. Empty face, nothing to say. Indeed, they don’t even think, that such a question could be even appeared in the class of Research Design, the so called subject. Class conducted in english, difficult in the beginning only, after mid-time, it works well without any problem.

And the assignment the week after is writing in a piece of paper, what is their dream, what they want to be in ten years. The following text chosen among 12 papers to be published, expecting the whole world witnesses the big dreams of a student.-

****

MY DREAM, written by XXX, student in Mechanical Engineering Magister Program, University of Indonesia. In twenty years ahead:

1. I am sitting in a big mosque with my friends, in one of the villages in Lampung, teaching about 100 villagers, male and female, about Islam, management of life, etc. All of them are listening with excitement. They are workers in my chocolate fabric in that village. The cocoa is gathered from the villagers’ plantation, which is about 2000 hectares wide. All of us have been like one big family. The workers have good discipline and high motivation in working, because they realize that working is one of the way to humble to Allah. The villagers are paid with high salary, and they also have part in the corporation’s capital investment. The village itself is clean, beautiful, fresh air everywhere, no useless activities, the young people are good students in their free-payment school in that village.

Together, we are establishing Baitul Maal, that can help the farmers in other villages. We develop a healthy syariah-based economic condition. We are helping the poor, giving fund to the unmarried young men, and taking care of the orphants and sick people. Other area surround us begin to copy what we have done in our village. May Allah bless what we have done.

2. I am sitting in my veranda, in my pretty small house, looking at my flowers and the trees on my wide yard, while my wife and my daughters are preparing cookies on the table. We are waiting for my son, who is coming from Egypt, to take a vacation after his spring course term in Al Azhar Senior High School. In front of me, is my laptop, I’m finishing my fifth book, because the publisher has asked me to finish it right away. They called this morning, “Professor Yahya, excuse us, could you finish the book before next month?” So I replied,”Well, Insya Allah I will try, but you have to understand that I’m preparing the examination for my students in University of Lampung. So let’s see by the end of this month.., thank you.

3. It’s still 3 o’clock in the morning, when I’m walking together with my wife, my children, and also my parents on a very crowded street in Makkah Al Mukarromah. We are going to Masjidil Haram, to pray tahajjud and Subuh there. The sky is still dark, but a strong light of faith is flamming in every of us, hoping only for the mercy from Allah. This is the second time I go here to hajj, after I go hajj for the first time when I was taking my doctoral degree at King Saud University in Riyadh, sixteen years ago.

Aamiin.

From:

Ditulis oleh "my teacher" di/pada Desember 19, 2007

SOEHARTO DIED, WHAT HAPPENED NEXT???

Former Indonesian dictator Suharto dies

By ZAKKI HAKIM, Associated Press Writer 4 minutes ago

JAKARTA, Indonesia - Former dictator Suharto, an army general who crushed Indonesia's communist movement and pushed aside the country's founding father to usher in 32 years of tough rule that saw up to a million political opponents killed, died Sunday. He was 86.

"He has died," Dr. Christian Johannes told The Associated Press, adding that he died at 1:10 p.m.

Dozens of doctors on Suharto's medical team had been rushed to the Pertamina Hospital in the capital, Jakarta, after his blood pressure fell suddenly Saturday night. Suharto had slipped out of consciousness for the first time in more than three weeks of treatment, doctors said.

Suharto had been in intensive care with lung, heart and kidney failure since he was admitted to the hospital on Jan. 4. Over the past week his physicians had spoken of a recovery, but by Sunday that had changed dramatically.

Suharto, who led a regime widely regarded as one of the 20th century's most brutal and corrupt, has lived a reclusive life in a comfortable villa in downtown Jakarta for the past decade.

He had been in and out of the hospital several times since being toppled by a pro-democracy uprising during the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis for heart problems and internal bleeding.

Historians say up to 800,000 alleged communist sympathizers were killed during Suharto's rise to power from 1965 to 1968. His troops killed another 300,000 in military operations against independence movements in Papua, Aceh and East Timor.

Suharto's poor health had kept him from facing trial, and no one has been punished for the killings.

Corruption watchdog Transparency International has said Suharto and his family amassed billions of dollars in stolen state funds, allegations the family is fighting in court.

Source: AP

Kenangan 2004 bersama Pak Febi (tak pernah terlupakan)

Kamis, 19 Februari 2004	Berita Utama

Delapan Polisi Jadi Tersangka Kasus Pemukulan Mahasiswa JAKARTA- Delapan polisi menjadi tersangka kasus pemukulan mahasiswa yang tengah berdemo di depan gedung MA saat pembacaan putusan kakasi Akbar Tandjung pada 12 Februari lalu. Jumlah tersebut bisa bertambah. Demikian penjelasan Kabidhumas Polda Metro Jaya Kombes Prasetyo kepada wartawan di Polda, Jalan Sudirman, Jakarta Selatan, Rabu (18/2). Selama ini, ujar Pras, 32-an polisi telah diperiksa. Mereka terdiri atas empat perwira menengah, 10 perwira pertama, dan sisanya bintara. Delapan orang menjadi tersangka karena diduga menganiaya ringan dan berat serta melanggar Pasal 351 dan 352 KUHP. "Delapan aparat ini adalah empat dari Dalmas Polda, dua dari Samapta Polres Jakpus, dan dua dari Brimob Polda. Hari ini berkasnya diserahkan ke Reserse Umum," jelas Pras. Dia mengemukakan, para tersangka dapat berkembang jumlahnya karena kasusnya masih berproses. Kasus ini nantinya akan disidangkan di pengadilan negeri dan bila mereka dipastikan melanggar penganiayaan berat bisa ditahan. "Ini belum final, kami masih mengutamakan pemeriksaan pidana umum. Adapun sanksi administratif menyusul," ungkap Pras. Dia menjamin pihaknya akan bersikap netral. "Kalau bersalah, kami tahan. Kalau tidak percaya, tunggu saja di persidangan karena apa yang mereka lakukan sudah di luar perintah, di luar komando," tandasnya. Dia menjelaskan, ketika demo berlangsung di tengah pembacaan putusan kasasi Akbar, tidak ada perintah dari atas untuk memukul para pendemo. "Jadi kalau memang ada perintah pemukulan, anggota tidak bersalah. Akan tetapi, kasus ini murni kesalahan anggota dan kami bukan mau mengorbankan mereka," paparnya. Divisum di RSCM Sementara itu, seorang mahasiswa yang menjadi korban pemukulan polisi saat demo di depan gedung MA ketika sidang putusan kasasi Akbar Tandjung berlangsung, akan menjalani visum di RSCM. Dia adalah Febi Dwi Rahmadi, mahasiswa semester 10 Fakultas Kesehatan Masyarakat Universitas Indonesia. Febi menderita luka akibat pukulan di kepala dan pendarahan di mata. Bersama Delilah korban pemukulan lainnya Febi menjalani pemeriksaan di Polda Metro Jaya Jalan Sudirman Jakarta, Rabu (18/2) sebagai saksi korban. Kepada wartawan seusai pemeriksaan, Febi mengaku pandangannya sebelah kanan agak kabur karena dipukul dan diinjak-injak oleh 12-an aparat kepolisian. Selain itu, dia menerima lima jahitan di kepalanya. Dia juga mengalami luka di lutut kanan dan rusuk kiri kanan dan telinga kanan. "Hari ini saya juga akan mengecek penglihatan saya ke doker spesialitas mata di RSCM," katanya. Dia tetap berharap, perjuangan mahasiswa tidak berhenti sampai di sini. "Hal ini bisa ditindaklanjuti dengan penerapan hukum terhadap aparat yang terlibat pemukulan," ujarnya. Febi mengaku mengenali beberapa aparat yang menendang dan memukul dirinya. Ada aparat yang mengenakan baju biru donker (seragam Brimob) dan pakaian dinas biasa warna cokelat. Lalu materi pemeriksaan polisi apa saja? Dia menuturkan, ditanya soal berapa orang yang datang, tujuan datang ke MA, dan mengapa sampai terjadi benturan dengan polisi. "Selama diperiksa, di samping saya juga ada aparat yang diperiksa. Saya bisa mengenali beberapa orang di antara mereka yang memukul," ujarnya. Seperti diberitakan, dalam sidang putusan Akbar di MA yang akhirnya membebaskannya, terjadi bentrokan antara ribuan mahasiswa dan aparat polisi. Lebih kurang 70 mahasiswa menderita luka-luka. Bentrokan diduga terjadi akibat lemparan botol air minum mineral ke polisi. Sementara itu, Ketua BEM UI Ahmad Nur Hidayat mengatakan, Jumat nanti tiga rekannya yang lain juga akan dimintai keterangan polisi. Mereka adalah Wahyu Widyatmoko dari Fakultas Teknik, Ahmad Hidayatullah dan Muhidin dari Fakultas Kesehatan Masyarakat.(dtc-78j)

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Berita Utama | Semarang | Sala | Jawa Tengah | Olahraga | Internasional | Liputan Pemilu
Budaya | Wacana | Ekonomi | Fokus | Cybernews | Berita Kemarin

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Copyright© 1996 SUARA MERDEKA

Source: http://www.suaramerdeka.com/harian/0402/19/nas2.htm

2004 Publication in media (5)

Mahasiswa demo, orang dekat SBY sibuk

Jakarta, PK

Seleksi para calon menteri di kediaman SBY, Sening (18/10), sedikit terganggu ketika sekitar 100 orang mahasiswa dari BEM dan KAHNMI menggelar aksi demo. Aksi mereka membuat orang terdekat presiden terpilih ini sedikit sibuk. Sudi Silalahi, Andi Malarangeng, Irvan Edison dan beberapa orang terdekat SBY langsung menghampiri para pendemo yang sejak kadatangannya berteriak-teriak di depan pintu gerbang rumahn SBY. "Kami ingin bertemu SBY," kata Ahmad Nur Hidayat, Ketua BEM UI saat ditemui Sudi Silalahi.

"Ya kalau mau ketemu kan tidak perlu teriak-teriak. Ayo beberapa perwakilan kalian masuk dan kita bicarakan apa keinginan kalian," sahut Sudi Silalahi. Sudi juga sempat meminta beberapa mahasiswa yang berorasi di atas mobil agar berhenti. "Stop-stop, ini kan banyak rumah. Lagi pula di belakang ada messjid," kata Sudi.

Begitu pula dengan Andi Malarangeng yang juga minta kepada mahasiswa untuk stop berorasi. Aksi demo semula digelar di gerbang perumahan Puri Cikeas Indah, sekitar 100 meter dari rumah SBY. Pendemo datang dengan menumpang dua metromini dan satu mobil pick-up. Tujuan mereka tidak lain menagih janji SBY untuk membentuk pemerintahan yang bersih, berwibawa dan kredibel.

Dalam orasinya, mereka menilai proses seleksi calon menteri ada tanda-tanda akan terpuruknya kembali negara di bawah tekanan asing. Indikasinya adalah beberapa kandidat menteri ekonomi SBY yang dianggap pro-IMF. Beberapa spanduk juga dibawa beberapa mahasiswa yang antara lain bertuliskan IMF Comeback = Neo Soeharto, Awas Drakula IMF, IMF penghancur ekonomi bangsa.

Sebanyak 10 orang perwakilan pengunjuk rasa akhirnya dibawa Sudi Silalahi, Irvan Edison dan Andi Mallarangeng. Pertemuan berlangsung di pendopo milik SBY. Dalam dialog itu perwakilan mahasiswa tetap bersikeras untuk bertemu langsung dengan SBY. Kebetulan, yang dituju sedang menemui Bambang Sudibyo. Permintaan para mahasiwa akhirnya ditolak. "Yang ingin ketemu Pak SBY ini tidak hanya para mahasiswa, tapi jutaan. Apa kalian tidak tahu kalau saat ini Pak SBY sedang ada tamu," tanya Sudi. "Pokoknya kami ingin ketemu Pak SBY. Kami mau menanyakan komitmen awalnya," celetuk seorang mahasiswa.

Percakapan berlangsung beberapa saat namun, tidak ada kepastian yang membuat mahasiswa langsung meninggalkan pendopo SBY. Entah merasa terganggu atau tidak, salah satu calon menteri dari Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN), Bambang Sudibyo menjelaskan, usai bertemu dengan SBY dirinya malah diajak berbicara masalah demo. Satu jam kemudian, Bambang Sudibyo meninggalkan Cikeas. "Apa yang dibicarakan. Ya di dalam tadi kami hanya berbicara masalah yang umum-umum. Pak SBY malah bicara soal demonstrasi dan tadi sama sekali tidak dites. Saya kan sudah sering duduk berdekatan dengan SBY saat masih menjabat menteri," kata Bambang. (jbp/yat/lya)

Source: http://www.indomedia.com/poskup/2004/10/19/edisi19/1910uta4.htm

2004 Publication in media (4) SUARA MERDEKA

Rabu, 4 Februari 2004	Berita Utama

"Saya Siap Terima Apa pun Putusannya" Hari Ini Akbar Divonis JAKARTA- Ketua Umum Partai Golkar Akbar Tandjung menyatakan siap menerima apa pun keputusan Mahkamah Agung (MA) sehubungan dengan akan bertemunya kembali majelis hakim agung di Jakarta, Rabu (4/2), untuk memutuskan permohonan kasasinya. "Saya sudah siap menerima putusan MA," kata Akbar yang juga Ketua DPR-RI seusai menerima Presiden Rumania Ion Iliescu di gedung MPR/DPR Jakarta, Selasa. Dia mengemukakan, dia menyerahkan sepenuhnya permohonan kasasinya kepada majelis hakim dan menunggu putusan MA apa pun bentuknya. Namun dia menegaskan, dirinya tetap tidak bersalah dalam kasus penggelapan dana Bulog Rp 40 miliar tersebut. "Namun sebagaimana menjadi sikap saya sejak awal yang sudah saya sampaikan dalam memori kasasi saya, bahwa saya tidak bersalah, itulah sikap saya sampai hari ini. Saya pada hari-hari ini berdoa, semoga permohonan saya dikabulkan MA," ungkap Akbar. Menanggapi pertanyaan apa yang akan dilakukannya bila MA tidak mengabulkan permohonan kasasinya, Akbar menjawab, bila keputusan tidak sesuai dengan yang diharapkannya, maka dia akan langsung berkonsultasi dengan penasihat hukumnya tentang upaya hukum apa yang masih bisa dilakukan. "Saya belum bisa mengatakan apa-apa hari ini, tapi saya memang sudah mempersiapkan satu opsi, yaitu saya akan berkonsultasi dengan penasihat hukum saya soal upaya hukum apa yang masih bisa dilakukan," paparnya. Akbar juga optimistis, keputusan yang terburuk sekalipun --seperti permohonan kasasinya tidak dikabulkan-- tidak akan memengaruhi kepemimpinannya di partai berlambang pohon beringin itu. "Hal itu karena saya yakin, teman-teman pun tahu bahwa saya memang tidak bersalah dan saya mengetahui itu, sehingga saya yakin mereka tetap memperlakukan saya sebagai pemimpin (partai) mereka," tandasnya. Namun dia menekankan, jika MA tidak mengabulkan permohonan kasasinya, dia akan mempertimbangkan kembali pencalonannya sebagai presiden, kendati saat ini masih dalam proses konvensi. Aksi Tandingan Sementara itu, Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa (BEM) se-Jabotabek dan Front Mahasiswa Universitas Indonesia (FAM UI) menggelar aksi tandingan yang dilakukan Angkatan Muda Partai Golkar (AMPG) menjelang putusan Mahkamah Agung (MA) terhadap Ketua Umum Golkar Akbar Tandjung. Perwakilan BEM Jabotabek dan FAM UI dalam aksi di depan Gedung MA di Jakarta, Selasa, menyatakan adanya gejala-gejala bahwa lembaga MA sudah terpengaruh oleh pihak-pihak yang tak menginginkan tegaknya supremasi hukum di Indonesia. Puluhan aktivis mahasiswa tersebut tidak menginginkan proses simbol busuknya kekuasaan negara dirusak oleh kekuatan kelompok lain yang menginginkan kebusukan itu terus langgeng. Para mahasiswa juga memberikan tuntutan untuk memberikan hukuman kepada Akbar Tandjung atas apa yang telah dilakukan. Menurut Ketua BEM UI Ahmad Nur Hidayat, pihaknya mendukung hakim agung untuk menggunakan nurani bukan intervensi politik, dan mahasiswa siap memberikan dukungan atas putusan yang sebenar-benarnya. "Kami sangat kecewa atas hakim MA, bila putusan bebas benar terwujud, artinya sudah ada dua lembaga peradilan yang memvonis tiga tahun atas kesalahannya," kata Hidayat. Dia mengatakan, MA sebagai lembaga tertinggi harus mampu menjaga kewibawaannya sebagai penegak hukum di Indonesia. "Kami akan meminta pertangungjawaban publik terhadap putusan bebas bila itu benar terwujud." Sedangkan FAM UI menilai, penegakan keadilan oleh hakim Abdul Rachman Saleh dan hakim Parman Suparman diduga akan diarahkan pada upaya membebaskan koruptor. (ant-58tj) KRONOLOGI KASUS AKBAR 11-02-1999: Rapat Terbatas Presiden Habibie, Mensesneg Akbar Tandjung, Menko Kesra Haryono Suyono membahas rencana pengeluaran dana Bulog Rp 40 miliar untuk penyaluran sembako. 02-03-1999: Deputi Keuangan Bulog, Ruskandar, bersama Ishadi Saleh (rekananBulog) menyerahkan dua cek masing-masing senilai Rp 10 miliar kepada Akbar. Akbar lalu menyerahkan cek kepada Fadel Muhammad dan MS Hidayat (bendahara dan wakil bendahara DPP Golkar). 07-03-1999: Deklarasi Partai Golkar (biaya dikaitkan cek Rp 20 miliar) 20-04-1999: Ruskandar menyerahkan 8 lembar cek senilai Rp 40 miliar, yang dipecah-pecah jadi Rp 2 miliar dan Rp 3 miliar atas permintaan Akbar. 01-02-2001: Menko Perekonomian/Kabulog Rizal Ramli menyatakan ada dana Bulog senilai Rp 90 miliar yang masuk ke kas Golkar. 13-02-2001: Menhan Mahfud MD juga menyatakan Golkar menerima dana Rp 90 miliar dari Bulog menjelang Pemilu 1999. 09-07-2001: Mantan kabulog Rahardi Ramelan ditetapkan sebagai tersangka. Namun Rahardi saat itu masih berada di luar negeri dalam waktu lama. 09-10-2001: Rahardi memenuhi panggilan Kejakgungm dan mengaku cek Rp 40 miliar diserahkan kepada Akbar, Rp 10 miliar untuk Menhankam Wiranto, dan Rp 4,6 diserahkan kepada PT Goro Batara Sakti sebagai pinjaman. 11-10-2001: Akbar mengaku menerima dana, tetapi diserahkan kepada yayasan yang ia sendiri lupa namanya. Belakangan Akbar membantah menerima uang, tetapi hanya melihat Ruskandar menyerahkan cek kepada yayasan. 31-10-2001: Akbar diperiksa Kejakgung dan menyebut Yayasan Raudlatul Jannah. 20-11-2001: Ruskandar bersaksi dana benar-benar diterima Akbar. 21-11 2001: Akbar mengaku hanya melihat cek digeletakkan di atas meja ruang kerjanya. 03-12-2001: Jaksa Agung MA Rachman menyatakan Tim Kejakgung tidak menemukan bukti penyaluran sembako di daerah, seperti pernah disebut Akbar, Dadang Sukandar (ketua yayasan), dan Wilfred Simatupang (rekanan). 10-12-2001: Habibie diperiksa Tim Kejakgung di Hamburg, dan mengaku tak pernah menerima laporan tertulis maupun lisan dari Akbar soal pelaksanaan penyaluran sembako. Ini sekaligus membantah pengakuan Akbar, bahwa ia sudah melaporkan secara lisan kepada Habibie. 05-01-2002: Presiden Megawati memberikan izin bagi Kejakgung untuk menetapkan Akbar sebagai tersangka. 07-01-2002: Kejakgung resmi menetapkan Akbar sebagai tersangka. 28-02-2002: Rahardi Ramelan ditahan di LP Cipinang Jakarta. 07-03-2002: Akbar, Dadang, dan Wilfred ditahan di rutan Kejakgung (belakangan hanya Akbar yang menikmati penangguhan penahanan). 04-11-2002: Majelis Hakim PN Jakarta Pusat menjatuhkan vonis 3 tahun penjara bagi Akbar (tuntutan jaksa 4 tahun), dalam sidang di Gedung BMG, Kemayoran Jakarta. Akbar mengajukan banding. 17-01-2003: Pengadilan Tinggi Jakarta menolak permohonan banding; mengukuhkan putusan PN Jakarta Pusat (3 tahun). Penasihat Hukum Akbar, Amir Syamsudin, mengajukan kasasi ke MA. 29-01-2004: Lima hakim agung, yang dipimpin Paulus Effendy Lutolong, menunda putusan kasasi pada tanggal 4 Februari 2004. 04-02-2004: ??? (B5-48)

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Berita Utama | Semarang | Sala | Jawa Tengah | Olahraga | Internasional | Liputan Pemilu
Budaya | Wacana | Ekonomi | Fokus | Cybernews | Berita Kemarin

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Copyright© 1996 SUARA MERDEKA

Source: http://www.suaramerdeka.com/harian/0402/04/nas5.htm

2004 Publication in media (3) SUARA MERDEKA

Jumat, 30 Januari 2004	Berita Utama

Demonstran Kepung Sidang Akbar Ditunda Lagi 4 Februari MENOLAK PEMBEBASAN: Ratusan mahasiswa mendemo Mahkamah Agung saat musyawarah Majelis Hakim Agung Kasasi Akbar Tandjung, kemarin. Mereka mendesak Mahkamah Agung (MA) tidak membebaskan Akbar. Puluhan aparat kepolisian mengawal ketat aksi unjuk rasa di depan gedung Mahkamah Agung, Jakarta.(55) JAKARTA-Musyawarah hakim agung yang membahas kasasi terpidana Akbar Tandjung, kemarin, belum juga menjatuhkan vonis. Majelis hakim agung bahkan menunda musyawarah sampai 4 Februari mendatang. Sementara itu lokasi musyawarah di gedung Mahkamah Agung Jalan Medan Merdeka Jakarta Pusat diblokir aparat keamanan. Namun di sisi lain ratusan mahasiswa terus melancarkan demo dengan tuntutan agar Akbar dipenjara. Akbar sendiri di tempat terpisah tetap merasa yakin dirinya tidak bersalah. Penundaan itu menurut ketua majelis hakim Paulus Effendi Lotulung, karena masih banyak bukti yang harus diteliti lagi. "Kenapa harus ditunda, karena ada hal-hal yang perlu dijelaskan dari bukti-bukti dan sebagainya. Kalau Anda tanya apa bukti itu, saya tidak boleh menjelaskan. Kalau tanya begitu berarti Anda sudah masuk dalam musyawarah," kata Paulus kepada perwakilan mahasiswa yang menemuinya. Paulus juga menjelaskan karena masih pertemuan pertama, maka para hakim agung masih mencocokan bukti yang dimiliki masing-masing. Sebab tidak tertutup kemungkinan ada bukti yang tidak lengkap atau tidak cocok. Untuk selanjutnya dalam musyawarah itu para hakim beradu argumentasi, bila tidak tercapai kata mufakat, dilakukan voting. Biasanya dalam perkara-perkara pelik seperti kasus Akbar Tandjung musyawarah yang dilakukan majelis hakim itu tidak bisa langsung selesai. Sangat mungkin dilakukan musyawarah kedua dan ketiga untuk mendapatkan keputusan yang berkualitas. Selain itu majelis dalam musyawarah tersebut juga meninjau penerapan hukum di balik putusan di tingkat PN Jakpus, maupun PT DKI yang sama-sama menghukum Akbar tiga tahun penjara. Dia menambahkan masyarakat tidak perlu lagi pesimistis, karena dalam UU Mahkamah Agung nantinya perbedaan pendapat hakim dapat diketahui. Ketika didesak untuk menjelaskan jalannya musyawarah, Paulus mengelak dengan alasan berdasarkan aturan, yakni UU Nomor 14 Tahun 1970 tentang Ketentuan Pokok Kehakiman, musyawarah hakim agung untuk memutuskan perkara sifatnya rahasia dan tidak dapat dipublikasikan. Dia hanya mengatakan garis besarnya saja. "Jalannya musyawarah bagus sesuai harapan kita semua. Dan marilah kita lihat bagaimana pendapat dari segi hukum. Dan tidak boleh kita saling mendahului bukti-bukti dan semua pendapat hakim." Marak Demonstrasi Untuk kesekian kalinya gedung MA didatangi gelombang demonstrasi. Kali ini dari BEM se Jakarta Raya. Dalam aksinya di depan gedung Jl Medan Merdeka Utara, para demonstran menuntut MA berani mengatakan yang benar itu benar yang salah itu salah. Bukannya menyederhanakan masalah dengan melakukan voting saat memutus kasasi yang diajukan Akbar. "Mereka (para hakim agung-red) punya hati nurani. Oleh karenanya jangan terlalu menggampangkan masalah dengan menggunakan cara voting. Dengan nurani yang namanya kebenaran itu sudah jelas, janganlah kebenaran dikalahkan dengan voting karena tekanan kepentingan politik," kata juru bicara aksi BEM Ahmad Nur Hidayat. Menurut dia, MA harus tetap mempertahankan independensinya dengan tidak ikut bermain politik. Saat ditanya mengenai hukuman yang layak diberikan kepada Akbar, Hidayat mengatakan, Akbar sebagai pejabat negara seharusnya berpikir untuk mensejahterakan rakyat. Dengan dia melakukan korupsi yang berarti mengambil hak rakyat, maka hukuman yang layak baginya adalah hukuman berat seperti hukum gantung. "Hukuman seperti inilah yang akan membuat takut para pejabat negara lainnya hingga tidak berani melakukan korupsi." Mereka juga berharap agar majelis hakim yang diketuai Paulus Effendi tidak memperlama musyawarah dengan alasan yang tidak bijak. Dalam aksinya mereka juga melempari orang bertopeng berhidung pinokio yang menggambarkan sosok Akbar Tandjung dengan beraneka barang seperti air mineral dan tomat busuk. Demonstran juga menggelar poster-poster yang mencela Akbar dan MA. Pengamanan Ketat Menjelang musyawarah perkara kasasi, gedung MA mendapat pengawalan ketat. Yaitu dengan hadirnya dua SSK Brimob/Polri beserta tiga kendaraan. Di pintu masuk dipasang metal detector. Musyawarah baru dimulai pukul 10.45- 13.00 WIB di lantai II Blok D ruang 208 gedung MA. Para wartawan yang hendak meliput dilarang naik ke lantai 2 tempat musyawarah tersebut berlangsung. Para wartawan akhirnya hanya duduk-duduk di lobi utama dan teras gedung MA. Ketika gelombang demonstran tiba aparat langsung membuat pagar betis sepanjang pagar gedung MA. Kepada wartawan di gedung DPR Akbar tetap menyatakan yakin dirinya tidak bersalah. "Prinsip dan keyakinan tidak bersalah itu yang tetap saya pegang sampai detik ini. Saya sering konsultasi dengan tim penasihat hukum saya. Kita ini bicara tentang hukum bukan faktor-faktor lainnya." Namun demikian Akbar juga menyatakan tetap menghormati apapun keputusan Mahkamah Agung terhadap dirinya. Dia cuma menyesalkan cara-cara yang dilakukan banyak pihak terhadap MA. "Apakah betul cara-cara itu. Apakah betul cara-cara untuk menekan MA agar memutuskan seperti ini dan itu dengan demo dan sebagainya. Kalau saya tetap menghormati MA sehingga tidak akan melakukan cara pemaksaan kehendak seperti itu. Apa tidak sadar mahasiswa dengan cara itu telah bermain politik," katanya. Ketika ditanya tentang isu penggantian dirinya sebagai Ketua Umum DPP Partai Golkar, Akbar menegaskan hal itu hanyalah isu belaka. "Karena teman-teman di Golkar sama dengan saya. Mereka yakin bahwa saya tidak bersalah. Maka mereka tidak akan ganggu gugat kepemimpinan saya di Golkar. Walaupun saya juga tetap siap mempertanggungjawabkan kesalahan saya bila memang bersalah dalam menjalankan amanah partai," katanya. Menurut pengacara Akbar dari DPP Partai Golkar Lauren Siburian SH, MA harus berani membebaskan Akbar. Bila Akbar bebas maka hal itu justru menunjukkan kalau MA telah mengambil keputusan murni berdasarkan hukum bukannya tekanan atau opini yang sengaja dimunculkan ke publik oleh pihak-pihak tertentu. Ka Puspemkum Kejakgung Kemas Yahya Rachman SH berpendapat bukti-bukti yang terungkap dalam persidangan sudah menguatkan Akbar memang bersalah. Sepengetahuan Kemas walaupun musyawarah itu dilakukan secara tertutup, pembacaan putusan hasil musyawarah harus dilakukan dalam sidang yang dinyatakan terbuka untuk umum. Selain itu dalam setiap putusan, pada akhir putusan tersebut, penjelasan itu harus dicantumkan. Termasuk tanggal dan hari apa musyawarah dilakukan. Bila yang kecil-kecil itu tidak dicantumkan, bisa menyebabkan putusan itu menjadi tidak sah atau batal demi hukum. (F4-33)

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Berita Utama | Semarang | Sala | Jawa Tengah | Olahraga | Internasional | Liputan Pemilu
Budaya | Wacana | Ekonomi | Fokus | Cybernews | Berita Kemarin

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Copyright© 1996 SUARA MERDEKA

source : http://www.suaramerdeka.com/harian/0401/30/nas1.htm

2004 Publication in media (2) THE JAKARTA POST

Students to quiz political parties

City News - March 10, 2004

DEPOK: The University of Indonesia Student Executive Body (BEM UI) will invite 24 political parties to a series of discussions to find out their vision, mission and program to solve the existing problems faced by the country.

The events will take place at UI campus, Depok, on March 10, March 13, March 17 and March 20, starting at 9 a.m. Each session will feature six parties.

BEM UI chairman Ahmad Nur Hidayat said on Monday that the students were welcome to participate in polling to determine the two best parties at each session. The best parties' presidential candidates will be invited to speak in a debate on April 24.

"We hope that through these events, the public can judge which political parties have a strong commitment to them," he said.

The legislative election will take place on April 5. The month-long campaign period will kick off on Thursday. -- JP

source:

http://www.thejakartapost.com/yesterdaydetail.asp?fileid=20040310.G06

2004 Publication in media (1) THE JAKARTA POST

June 10, 2004
Amien in one-horse debate race

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta

Amien Rais was the only presidential candidate on Wednesday to answer the challenge to attend a debate organized by students at the University of Indonesia in Depok.

Arriving at the university at about 2 p.m., Amien only had a few minutes to rest as more than 1,000 students and lecturers were impatient to see the debate begin.

Most of the students, some from other universities across the country, had been waiting for almost three hours. To their disappointment, however, the other four presidential candidates failed to show up.

Ahmad Nur Hidayat, who heads the University of Indonesia's Student Executive Body, had told the floor that the organizing committee was only expecting Amien, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Hamzah Haz to participate in the debate.

The campaign team of incumbent President Megawati Soekarnoputri simply rejected the students' invitation, while Wiranto's team told the organizing committee they preferred to campaign across the country rather than attend the debate.

"We do not know why Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Hamzah Haz did not show up. They promised last night to come. They missed the opportunity to present their programs to the students, who are eager to criticize their visions and missions," he said.

Susilo was the keynote speaker at a seminar on Wednesday attended by high-profile businesspeople, while Wiranto held a meeting with a delegate from the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. Hamzah, who is the current Vice President, was in the Central Java town of Surakarta to meet with a cleric, while Megawati was in Surabaya, where she visited a market for about 10 minutes.

A student at the University of Indonesia's School of Law, Fedra Rossi, questioned the courage of the absent candidates.

"What are they afraid of? We only want to hear about their programs because they do not provide sufficient information during the campaign. Do they think we want to buy a cat in a sack?" she told The Jakarta Post.

Dozens of Susilo supporters from the SBY Fan Club joined the crowd at the campus, but left after they learned that Susilo would not be attending the debate.

Prior to the debate, several young men handed out mementos bearing the pictures of Wiranto and his running mate Solahuddin Wahid.

Unlike televised presidential debates, the event on Wednesday allowed audience members to question the candidate on any topic of their choosing.

Political analyst Andi Mallarangeng, who hosted the event, let students and lecturers, including University of Indonesia Rector Usman Chatib Warsa, bombard Amien with questions on various topics, including corruption eradication, education, law enforcement and Indonesia's ties with the International Monetary Fund.

In the middle of the question and answer session, a student, Fajar, criticized Amien for talking about law enforcement while a councillor representing his National Mandate Party (PAN) in Padang, West Sumatra, was in jail for graft.

"How can you say that you will be able to uphold the law if you did nothing about your own people?" said Fajar to the cheers of the crowd.

Amien appeared a bit flustered but was able to respond. "Indeed, the case in Padang is exceptional. It does not happen in other parts of the country. Let us eradicate corruption together."

About 15 minutes later, with the event coming to an end, Amien returned to the student's criticism.

"Mas, for your information, we have dismissed all PAN councillors implicated in the case. We will not tolerate it," he said.

Box story

;JP;DETIK;MUN; ANPAa..r.. Amien-train-pickpocket

JP/1/BOX

As a presidential candidate, Amien Rais is entitled to special protection from the state, and the candidate and his entourage must have been fairly confident that they did not have to worry about petty criminals.

However, their confidence was shattered on Wednesday and Amien may want to rethink his security precautions.

A police subprecinct chief, nine journalists and Amien's campaign deputy manager, Dien Syamsuddin, all had their cellular phones stolen while accompanying the candidate on a packed commuter train from Manggarai station in South Jakarta to the University of Indonesia campus in Depok for a debate, detik.com news portal reported.

Dien kept close to Amien's side during the trip, as the candidate made his way from car to car to talk with passengers. Also accompanying Amien were several police officers.

Most commuter trains are notoriously overcrowded and pickpockets and sexual harassment are commonplace.

A cameramen who lost his cellular phone while taking pictures of Amien complained to the chief of the Tebet Police subprecinct, Adj. Comr. Budiono, who was accompanying Amien's entourage.

To the journalist's surprise, Budiono replied, "Well, it did not happen only to you. I just lost my cellular phone as well." -- The Jakarta Post

SOURCE:

http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailweekly.asp?fileid=20040610.@03

Kontribusi 4 dalam Pilkada Jakarta (Republika)

Kamis, 19 Juli 2007

DPT Pilkada DKI Terus Diprotes

Untuk pertama kalinya Adang-Dani unggul dalam polling.

JAKARTA -- Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD) DKI Jakarta menolak untuk menanggapi somasi Pilkada Watch yang diajukan lewat Koalisi Pengacara untuk Rakyat Jakarta. KPUD merasa sudah melaksanakan tugas dan kewajibannya terkait penetapan daftar pemilih tetap (DPT).

Kuasa hukum KPUD, Sirra Prayuna, mengatakan KPUD memutuskan untuk menolak seluruh alasan yang menyertai somasi Pilkada Watch. ''Karena alasannya tidak memiliki dasar hukum yang kuat,'' ujar Sirra di Jakarta, Rabu (18/7).

Pilkada Watch melayangkan somasi kepada KPU DKI Jakarta karena dinilai tidak mengindahkan laporan sejumlah pihak yang menyoal masih banyaknya warga yang tidak terdaftar dan munculnya pemilih siluman. Somasi berlaku 3 x 24 jam terhitung sejak dilayangkan Ahad lalu (15/7). Artinya, KPUD diberi kesempatan untuk menanggapi somasi sampai Rabu kemarin (18/7).

Sirra menegaskan penolakan KPUD untuk menanggapi somasi didasarkan dua alasan. Pertama menyangkut legal standing KPU. Kedua, mengenai somasi terbuka yang itu dianggap sebagai upaya memutarbalikkan fakta dalam proses pendaftaran pemilih. ''

Sedangkan di tempat terpisah, sebanyak tujuh pemantau independen, kemarin, (18/7), terus menuntut agar KPUD memberi ruang kepada publik untuk mengakses DPT. Ketujuh pemantau itu adalah P3I, IYMC, LP3ES, Garda P3ER, KPPKD, LSM Gerhana, KIPP Jakarta, dan LP3SWI. `'Kalau tetap tidak diijinkan mengakses kami akan memperkarakan KPUD,'' kata juru bicara tujuh lembaga tersebut, Ahmad Nur Hidayat.

Selama ini pemantau tidak bisa mendapat DPT karena adanya suarat edaran KPUD, yang menyebut DPT tersebut adalah rahasia negara. `'Padahal kami membutuhkan data itu untuk cross cek dan melihat ada tidaknya pemilih siluman.''

Polling SMS
Untuk pertama kalinya, pasangan Adang-Dani, mengungguli perolehan suara Fauzi Bowo-Prijanto. Tapi keunggulan ini bukan berdasar survei konvensional, tapi melalui polling melalui SMS.

Berdasar hasil polling lewat SMS yang dilakukan Jaringan Survei Indonesia (JSI) dan Pusat Pendidikan dan Pelayanan Masyarakat (P3M) UI. `'Polling ini sangat independen karena tidak didanai pihak manapun. Kami bekerjasama dengan operator telekomunikasi seluler,'' kata Direktur Eksekutif JSI, Akhmad Syarbini.

JSI dan P3M UI membuat polling dengan mengajukan tiga pertanyaan, yaitu peduli ketertiban dan keamanan, peduli lingkungan, peduli kesejahteraan dan perekonomian rakyat, serta calon terfavorit. Dari 4000 pengirim SMS, hasil polling sejak April 2007 hingga sekarang, Adang mendapatkan 74,97 persen, Fauzi Bowo (20,46), Sarwono (8,69), dan Agum Gumelar (1,88).

Dari kubu pasangan Fauzi Bowo-Priyanto, sebanyak 1.153 nama terdaftar sebagai juru kampanye mereka. Dari daftar nama juru kampanye yang telah diterima KPUD antara lain tertera nama Wakil Presiden Yusuf Kalla dan mantan presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Fakta Angka
1.153
Nama yang terdaftar sebagai jurkam Fauzi-Priyanto.

(dwo/ind/ant )
Source:
http://www.republika.co.id/koran_detail.asp?id=300604&kat_id=3

Kontribusi 3 dalam Pilkada Jakarta (Republika)

Kamis, 28 Juni 2007
Lembaga Pemantau Siap Kawal Pilkada DKI

Jakarta-RoL--Lembaga Pemantau Pilkada DKI Jakarta yang terdiri atas beragam organisasi menyatakan siap untuk mengawal pemilihan kepala daerah (Pilkada) dari segala bentuk penyimpangan atau pelanggaran, dan tindakan-tindakan lain yang dimaksudkan untuk menyelewengkan kehendak rakyat.

Menurut rilis yang ditandatangani oleh Direktur Eksekutif Indonesian Youth Movement Center (IYMC) Achmad Nur Hidayat dan Ketua Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa Universitas Negeri Jakarta (BEM UNJ) Farul Lathief dan diterima Antara di Jakarta, Kamis, Pilkada DKI merupakan ajang pembuktian dari penerapan kualitas demokrasi di Indonesia.

Melihat Pilkada rentan dengan kecurangan, Lembaga Pemantau Pilkada DKI Jakarta menyerukan agar KPUD DKI memberikan ruang kebebasan seluas-luasnya bagi warga ibukota yang memiliki Kartu Tanda Penduduk (KTP) untuk menunaikan haknya memilih sesuai persyaratan yang berlaku.

Bila terdapat oknum dalam KPUD menghalang-halangi hak masyarakat untuk menunaikan hak pilihnya, maka oknum tersebut akan terancam pasal 117 ayat (1) Undang-Undang 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah dengan ancaman pidana penjara paling lama 12 bulan dan/atau denda paling banyak Rp10 juta.

Selain itu, Lembaga Pemantau Pilkada DKI Jakarta ingin agar masa perpanjangan pemilih tambahan diperpanjang agar memberikan waktu yang cukup kepada masyarakat yang mempunyai hak pilih tetapi belum terdaftar untuk mendaftarkan diri.

Sementara itu, Panwaslu DKI diharapkan untuk bekerja secara profesional dan cepat dalam melakukan verifikasi dan investigasi terhadap berbagai laporan masyarakat, sedangkan kepada tim sukses kandidat diharapkan agar melakukan kampanye dengan cara yang benar, legal, dan wajar.

Lembaga Pemantau Pilkada DKI Jakarta juga menginginkan agar masyarakat bersikap proaktif karena sikap tersebut akan membantu dalam melaksanakan Pilkada yang jujur dan adil.

Anggota dari Lembaga Pemantau Pilkada DKI Jakarta antara lain IYMC, BEM UNJ, Lembaga Penelitian Pendidikan dan Penerangan Ekonomi dan Sosial (LP3ES), Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu (KIPP) Jakarta, KPPKD, LP3 SWI, dan Garda P3ER. antara/purpur ()

Source:
http://www.republika.co.id/koran_detail.asp?id=298273&kat_id=23

Kontibusi 2 dalam Pilkada Jakarta

SUARA PEMBARUAN DAILY

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Bayi Pun Masuk Daftar Pemilih

Pendataan pemilih merupakan awal dari keseluruhan proses penyelenggaraan pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada) atau pemilihan umum (pemilu). Itu sebabnya, proses pendataan pemilih memegang arti penting bagi terselenggaranya pilkada atau pemilu secara jujur dan adil (jurdil).

Namun ternyata, sangat sulit untuk menghasilkan pendataan pemilih yang jujur dan adil, khususnya untuk pelaksanaan pilkada secara langsung yang mulai diberlakukan sejak 2005. Menurut hasil penelitian Indonesian Youth Movement Center (IYMC) dan Pusat Studi Hukum Tata Negara Fakultas Hukum Universitas Indonesia (PSHTN-FHUI), dari 31 kali pilkada yang berlangsung sejak 2005, terdapat 69 kasus yang mencuat.

Munculnya kasus tersebut, sekitar 49,28 persen disebabkan permasalahan data pemilih, 31,88 persen menyangkut logistik, 10,14 persen akibat minimnya sosialisasi, dan 8,70 persen terkait dana.

Menurut Direktur Eksekutif IYMC, Achmad Nur Hidayat, kasus-kasus yang ditemukan terkait permasalahan data pemilih, antara lain adanya kartu pemilih fiktif saat Pilkada Solo, masuknya ribuan anggota TNI dan Polri dalam daftar pemilih Pilkada Blora, dan tidak terdaftarnya puluhan ribu warga yang masuk kategori pemilih dalam Pilkada Indragiri Hulu.

"Yang lebih mengagetkan, ada 20-an bayi yang terdaftar jadi pemilih dalam DPT (Daftar Pemilih Tetap, Red) Pilkada di Badung, Bali. Mereka rata-rata berusia 12 bulan. Ironisnya, sekitar 40.000 penduduk yang masuk kategori pemilih justru tidak terdaftar dalam DPT," kata Achmad, kepada Pembaruan, di Jakarta, Senin (2/4).

Akibat penyimpangan dalam pendataan pemilih tersebut, pelaksanaan Pilkada di beberapa daerah diwarnai kericuhan, bahkan tindakan anarkis. IYMC mencatat, rata-rata massa yang tidak puas dengan hasil pilkada, atau yang merasa dirugikan karena kehilangan hak pilihnya, merusak bahkan membakar kantor KPUD.

Jika tidak diantisipasi, hal yang sama juga dapat terjadi saat pelaksanaan Pilkada DKI, yang dijadwalkan berlangsung pada Agustus 2007. Terkait dengan itu, pendataan pemilih Pilkada DKI seharusnya dilakukan dengan profesional, jujur, dan adil, serta dipantau oleh seluruh komponen masyarakat.

Hal itu, harus dilakukan sejak tahap awal pendataan pemilih oleh Dinas Kependudukan dan Catatan Sipil (Dukcapil) DKI untuk menghasilkan Daftar Penduduk Potensial Pemilih Pilkada (DP4).

Sekretaris Daerah (Sekda) Pemprov DKI Jakarta, Ritola Tasmaya mengatakan, DP4 tersebut merupakan hasil pemuktahiran data penduduk Jakarta yang dilakukan oleh seluruh jajaran Pemprov DKI pada Juli-Agustus 2006.

"Selain melibatkan camat dan lurah, kegiatan ini juga melibatkan pengurus RW dan RT sebagai pelaksana coklit (pencocokan dan penelitian, Red) data penduduk di lapangan," kata Ritola, ketika memberikan sambutan dalam acara serah terima DP4 dari Pemprov DKI kepada KPUD DK, di Balai Kota, awal pekan ini.

Dia mengungkapkan, pihaknya juga telah membuka kesempatan kepada masyarakat yang belum terdaftar untuk melakukan pendaftaran susulan di kelurahan setempat, dengan membawa bukti kartu tanda penduduk (KTP) atau kartu keluarga (KK), pada Januari-Februari 2007. Sebelumnya, hasil pemuktahiran data diumumkan di tingkat RW dan RT agar diketahui warga.

Pernyataan Ritola seolah menegaskan bahwa Pemprov DKI telah melakukan upaya maksimal dalam pendataan pemilih. Namun, Achmad mengungkapkan, sejumlah RT dan RW di wilayah Koja, Marunda, dan Cilincing, Jakarta Utara, belum pernah didatangi petugas Dinas Duk- capil untuk memberikan penjelasan dan formulir pemuktahiran data penduduk.

"Para gepeng yang tinggal di kolong jembatan dan bantaran sungai juga belum didata. Jika tidak diantisipasi, mereka ini bisa dimanfaatkan oleh oknum tertentu untuk menimbulkan kericuhan saat pelaksanaan Pilkada DKI," ujar Achmad. Dia berharap, KPUD DKI nantinya dapat meminimalisasi penyimpangan dalam pendataan pemilih, saat proses pembuatan DPS dan DPT. [J-9]

---

Last modified: 5/4/07

Source:
http://www.suarapembaruan.com/News/2007/04/05/Jabotabe/jab04.htm

Kontribusi dalam Pilkada DKI Jakarta (Suara Pembaharuan)

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah dan Krisis Kepemimpinan

Persaingan antara calon Gubernur DKI Jakarta mulai terasa seperti terlihat pada poster di tembok kawasan Glodok, meskipun pemilihan baru akan berlangsung Agustus mendatang. Foto diambil baru-baru ini. [Pembaruan/Ignatius Liliek]

Pelaksanaan pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada) di sejumlah daerah makin menunjukkan adanya krisis pemimpin. Hal itu, terlihat dari makin menurunnya angka partisipasi calon kepala daerah yang bertarung di pilkada.

"Saat pilkada Depok yang menjadi tahap pertama pelaksanaan pilkada, ada lima calon yang mendaftar sebagai calon walikota. Tapi setelah itu, keterlibatan calon pemimpin dalam pilkada makin berkurang, yakni hanya dua sampai tiga calon," kata Direktur Eksekutif Indonesian Youth Movement Center (IYMC), Achmad Nur Hidayat, kepada Pembaruan, di Jakarta, baru-baru ini.

Dia mencontohkan, untuk pilkada DKI yang akan berlangsung Agustus mendatang, sampai saat ini hanya ada dua calon gubernur (cagub) yang memas-tikan diri maju dalam proses pemilihan.

Padahal, sebagai ibu kota negara, DKI justru harus menjadi tolok ukur keberhasilan pelaksanaan pilkada, baik dari sisi mekanisme sampai partisipasi calon kepala daerah dan partisipasi pemilih. "Rata-rata pelaksanaan pilkada yang sudah berlangsung di beberapa daerah, partisipasi pemilih di bawah 60 persen. Hal ini bukan hanya dipicu sosialisasi yang kurang merata, tetapi juga karena tingkat kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap berlangsungnya demokrasi dan otonomi daerah makin berkurang," ujar Achmad.

"Untuk Jakarta yang menjadi pusat pemerintahan dan berpenduduk hampir delapan juta jiwa, seharusnya cagub yang muncul lebih dari dua. Tapi sampai sekarang hanya ada dua cagub yang akan bertarung di pilkada DKI. Ini menunjukkan adanya krisis pemimpin di Jakarta," kata dia dalam diskusi publik di Universitas Indonesia, Salemba, Jakarta Pusat, belum lama ini.

Seperti diketahui, dua cagub yang telah mendapat dukungan partai untuk pilkada DKI Jakarta pada Agustus mendatang, masing-masing Adang Doradjatun dan Fauzi Bowo. Adang didukung Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Fauzi Bowo yang kini menjabat sebagai Wakil Gubernur DKI didukung Koalisi 16 partai politik (parpol), antara lain Partai Demokrat, PDI-P, Partai Karya, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) dan Partai Damai Sejahtera.

Mundurnya Demokrasi

Menurut Achmad, munculnya nama dua cagub yang mendapat dukungan dari belasan partai yang ada di Jakarta, menunjukkan mundurnya proses demokrasi dibandingkan pemilihan kepala daerah DKI Jakarta periode 2002-2007. Saat itu, hampir setiap partai yang memiliki fraksi di DPRD DKI mencalonkan satu cagub dan calon wakil gubernur (cawagub).

Achmad menilai, koalisi 16 partai yang mendukung Fauzi Bowo sebagai cagub hanya menunjukkan adanya peningkatan kerja sama sinergis elite politik, tapi justru menurun-kan peran dan fungsi parpol sebagai wadah perjuangan politik rakyat dalam mengembangkan demokrasi.

Hal itu, lanjutnya, membatasi ruang bagi masyarakat Jakarta yang memiliki potensi sebagai pemimpin untuk mencalonkan diri karena tidak memperoleh dukungan parpol sebagai kendaraan politik. "Yang memprihatinkan, masyarakat Jakarta digiring untuk memilih dua cagub yang nota bene orang-orang lama. Masa sih, dalam kurun waktu lima tahun terakhir, tak ada figur pemimpin baru di Jakarta. Kalau memang begitu, DKI jelas mengalami krisis pemimpin," ujar Achmad.

Dia mengatakan, jika kondisi tersebut, tidak diantisipasi dengan sosialisasi yang gencar mengenai Pilkada DKI, dapat dipastikan bukan hanya partisipasi cagub yang minim, tetapi juga partisipasi masyarakat dalam menggunakan hak pilih.

Hal itu, sangat dimungkinkan karena krisis kepercayaan masyarakat kepada pemerintahan semakin meningkat, antara lain akibat kesulitan ekonomi yang menyebabkan harga bahan pokok terus naik.

"Kondisi ini, sangat memprihatinkan karena masyarakat Jakarta butuh pemimpin yang dapat menjawab tantangan ke depan, terutama untuk merealisasikan pembangunan berkelanjutan Jakarta sebagai ibu kota negara," kata Achmad.

Proaktif

Sementara itu, dosen Fakultas Hukum UI, Fitra Arsil mengatakan, Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD) DKI Jakarta harus proaktif menyosialisasikan pelaksanaan pilkada. "Ini sangat penting agar masyarakat tahu hak dan kewajiban mereka dalam pilkada, sehingga mereka memiliki kesadaran untuk berpartisipasi," ujar Fitra.

Menurut dia, kesusksesan pilkada bukan hanya diukur dari banyaknya warga yang terdaftar sebagai pemilih, tetapi dari banyak partisipasi yang tercermin lewat surat suara yang sah.

Hal itu, hanya dapat terwujud lewat sosialisasi yang jelas kepada masyarakat, baik mengenai jadwal dan prosedur pelaksanaan, maupun hak dan kewajiban masyarakat sebagai pemilih.

Selain itu, lanjut Fitra, KPUD DKI juga harus proaktif melakukan pengecekan daftar pemilih sesuai hasil pendataan yang dilakukan Dinas Kependudukan dan Catanan Sipil (Dukcapil) DKI.

Fitra menambahkan, keberadaan panitia pengawas (Panwas) Pilkada juga sudah harus dibentuk agar dapat melaksanakan tugas sejak dini, yakni mendeteksi kemungkinan kecurangan dalam pelaksanaan Pilkada. [J-9]

Source: Last modified: 9/4/07

http://www.suarapembaruan.com/News/2007/04/09/Nasional/nas04.htm

Past Time

June 29, 2007
'Ghost voters' give analysts a fright

Adisti Sukma Sawitri, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

The large number of "ghost voters" on the election rolls could lead to violence among supporters of the two governor candidates and undermine trust in the Jakarta Elections Commission, analysts say.

A researcher at the University of Indonesia's political study center, Hasan, said ghost voters could be used by the candidates' campaign teams to manipulate the vote on election day.

"They can simply bribe officials overseeing the vote count to issue voter registration cards in the names of these voters and no one would realize it," he said at a public discussion in Salemba, Central Jakarta.

It would not be difficult to find underpaid officials to issue the registration cards for a couple hundred thousand rupiah, Hasan said.

He said this could trigger conflict during and after the election process.

A voter registration audit, performed by the Institute of Research, Education and Information on Social and Economic Affairs and the National Democratic Institute last week, found some 21 percent of 2,019 randomly selected names from the voter rolls had either moved away, did not exist, were dead or not old enough to vote.

Considering that there are some 5.6 million eligible voters in Jakarta, there could be up to 1.1 million ghost voters on the election rolls.

In a neighborhood unit in Utan Kayu Selatan, for example, there are six people named Uyoh on the voter rolls, though only one person with that names lives in the unit.

The Jakarta Elections Commission, which has come under fierce criticism for the voter registration process, has attempted to shift the blame to the Population and Civil Registration Agency.

In an attempt to resolve some of the problems surrounding the registration, the commission extended the registration period for three days ending Thursday.

Executive director of the Indonesian Youth Movement Center, Achmad Nur Hidayat, said most of the problems surrounding election preparations could be traced back to a lack of adequate funding.

He said, as an example, the commission was only able to provide three officials to oversee vote counting in each subdistrict in the city.

On average, a subdistrict has about 200,000 eligible voters.

"The administration started planning the election more than a year ago. It is just ridiculous they have not prepared a sufficient amount of funds and human resources for the process," he said.

The administration has allocated Rp 124 billion (US$13.6 million) for the elections commission and Rp 14 billion for a poll watchdog.

Money for the watchdog has yet to be disbursed due to administrative problems.

Source:

http://thejakartapost.com/detailweekly.asp?fileid=20070629.@03

Soeharto and Polemics

Sunday, January 13, 2008

Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew visits ailing former Indonesian dictator Soeharto

The Jakarta Post

JAKARTA (AP): Former Singaporean leader Lee Kuan Yew went to the hospital Sunday to visit his old friend, the ailing former Indonesian dictator Suharto, who was showing slight signs of improvement after being placed on life-support for organ failure.

A seemingly healthy Lee, who wore a dark blue suit and tie, did not comment to reporters as he headed to Suharto's room, where family members and friends gathered in recent days to pray for his recovery.

The two ascended to power in the mid-1960s and oversaw rapid economic growth at the expense of democratic freedom in their neighboring countries.

Suharto, whose 32-year regime was widely regarded as one of the 20th century's most brutal and graft-ridden, was hospitalized in critical condition a week ago with anemia and a low heart rate.

The 86-year-old initially responded well to a blood transfusion and kidney dialysis, but his condition sharply deteriorated days later.

Doctors said Friday he had suffered organ failure and placed him on a ventilator after detecting signs of infection in his lungs. But chief presidential doctor Marjo Subiandono said Saturday there were signs of improvement.

"His condition is better," he said. "He's more aware, responsive."

Marjo said antibiotics appeared to be having an effect on Suharto's lungs, but he would remain on life-support to protect his organs from further damage.

Another physician, Joko Raharjo, said Suharto nodded when asked if he was pain. He fell back asleep after being given a tranquilizer.

The retired five-star general was ousted in 1998 amid massive student protests and nationwide riots, opening the way for democracy in this predominantly Muslim nation of 235 million people.

He withdrew from public life, venturing from his comfortable villa on a leafy lane in the capital, Jakarta, only to attend family functions or for medical emergencies.

A series of strokes in recent years have left Suharto with permanent brain damage and impaired speech - keeping him from facing trial. He has been accused of overseeing a purge of more than half a million leftist opponents soon after seizing power in a 1965 coup. Hundreds of thousands more were killed or imprisoned in the decades that followed - crimes for which no one has ever been punished.

President: stop all kinds of polemics on Soeharto`s legal status

Jakarta (ANTARA News) - President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono at his residence in Cikeas, Bogor, on Saturday, called on all elements of the nation to stop polemics on the legal status of former President Soeharto who is currently ill and being treated in hospital.

"Let`s stop the polemics, debate, issuing controversial opinions at the present time," the head of state said at a press conference at his residence.

With regard to the civil lawsuit against Soeharto, Yudhoyono admitted that the latest development indicated there had been a public debate which eventually triggered pros and cons in many forms.

"Actually I remain seeing the time to raise this not something proper under the present condition of Soeharto who is suffering a serious illness," he said.

The president denied the comments depicting moments wheres it was the government`s initiative to settle the civil case of former President Soeharto.

The government opined that the issue was not a priority in the past few days. The head of state reaffirmed there was a great intention of the government to pursue it properly.

"However the government wants the proper moment to settle the civil case in a good manner through legal mechanism," he said, adding that the best way to settle the case should be found.

The president called on the people of Indonesia to pray for former President Soeharto and to stop making unwise statements.

It was said that Soeharto as the leader should have made an achievement in national development of this country.

It was admitted that Soeharto had some shortcomings and made mistakes. But it would not hamper us from extending great thanks and appreciation of his merit and dedication to the state, Susilo said.

Earlier, the president had a meeting with some cabinet ministers upon his return from Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on Saturday.

Research Paper from Achmad Nur Hidayat ST

Islamic Student Organizations and Their Movement in Indonesia

(New Order and Reformasi era)

1980-2007[1]

“The 1998 (Indonesian) Student Movement cannot be understood without analyzing their Islamisation (process) or the rise of New Santri.”

Prof Mitsuo Nakamura,

A renowned scholar of Indonesia, University of Chiba, Japan

I. Introduction

This paper proposed to explain relationship between Islamic student organization, reformasi movement and their dynamic contribution to establish and sustain Islamisation agenda from 1980s to 2007 in Indonesia. Reformasi movement was political movement spurred by an economic, political and human rights crisis that led to fall of Soeharto and the authoritarian New Order Regime. This paper only discusses Islamic student organizations and their interaction with political struggle from 1980s until 2007.

Many questions such as Is Islamic student movement adopt democracy and support reformasi?, What did their contribution to sustain a democratic system?, Is the Islamic party influence Islamic student movements?, Issue of reformasi agenda and Islamization (including Islamic Law) which adopted by student muslim activist and then some recommendation to improve their movement would be answered in this paper.

II. What is Islamic Student Organization?

Islamic Student Organizations were defined as organizations whose majority of their members consists of Muslim student who embrace “Islamic value” and their guideline to establish Islamic environment in their activities and their organization/community[2]. Base on author, the ageing of Islamic student activists around 18 to 35 years old and they could be registered as undergraduate or postgraduate students. This argument was based on Ministry of Education website that young man will enroll higher education in university at 18 years old. They might be graduated at average 23 years old and begin enroll postgraduate program at average 25-30 years old[3]. However, in beginning of new order era (1970s), undergraduate students could be graduated at 35 years old. Furthermore, the fact in currently condition shows that the central board committees of Islamic student organizations consist of those who were at 30-35 years old.

Base on acknowledgement of University Authority, Islamic student organizations in Indonesia were categorized by intra-campus base and extra-campus base. Islamic student organizations which classify as intra-campus base, meaning their organizations were recognized by university authority and the membership consist of students from one university institution. Islamic student organization as extra-campus base had not been recognized by University Authority and the membership consist many students from different university institutions. See schema Islamic student organization base on acknowledgement from University Authority

Schema Islamic Student Organization

base on acknowledgement from University Authority

Islamic student organizations which categorize as intra-campus base are Salman Mosque Student (Institute of Technology Bandung), Jama’ah Salahuddin (University of Gajah Mada, Jogyakarta), Salam UI (University of Indonesia). Islamic student organizations which categorize as extra-campus base are Muslim Student Action Union (Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia/KAMMI), Muslim University Student (Himpunan Mahasiwa Islam/HMI), Muslim Student Indonesia Union (Perhimpunan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia/PMII), Muhammadiyah Student Organization (Ikatan Mahasiswa Muhammadiyah/IMM), Association of Muslim Student Trans-Campus (Himpunan Mahasiswa Muslim Antar Kampus/HAMMAS) and Islamic Youth Movement (Gerakan Pemuda Islam/GPI).

III. Typology Islamic Student Organizations

III. I Intra-Campus base Islamic Student Organization

A. SALMAN MOSQUE STUDENT (Bandung Institute of Technology)

History

In Bandung, Salman Mosque at the ITB (Bandung Institute of Technology) was the first Islamic institution in which Islamic activities for young people were held in a proper organization. The Salman Mosque is located on the north side of Bandung. It is very unlike from other mosques in Bandung. The architecture of the mosque is special, its roof being flat, without a dome.[4] In 1950s, when academic staff and student began to sense that their campus did not furnish for religious value, particularly Islam values, the necessity for a mosque on the ITB campus emerged. A committee was set up in 1960 to produce a mosque construction plan. First President, Ir. Soekarno approved the plan, and he even named the proposed mosque ‘Salman’, the name of a Muslim technocrat in the Prophet's era. Three years later, building of the mosque commenced, and Salman Mosque was first used in 1972.[5]

Focus on Preacher Training and basic teachings of Islam Program (1974-1979)

The popularity of Salman Mosque increased rapidly after 1974, when it was leaded by “Sadali who is calm and Imaduddin who is furious” (Tempo, 1989)[6]. Among other things, what attracted young people to this mosque was the Latihan Mujahid Dakwah (LMD, Preacher Training), which was developed and engineered by Imaduddin[7]. LMD was a type of Islamic training in which university students were trained for about seven days without contact with the outside world. During this training, students learned some basic teachings of Islam, such as the source of Islamic values, Qur'an and Sunnah (Tradition of the Prophet), and the Islamic faith (Aqidah Islam).

Focus on Mentoring and Kaderisasi (cadre recruitment) (1979-1990s)[8]

In 1979, LMD was expanded and renamed Islamic Intensive Study (Studi Islam Intensif, SII). This change, according to Imaduddin, was because of government pressure, which in turn resulted in the stagnation of the LMD program. In addition, it was also an attempt to widen the program in terms of aims and time period (Aziz and Thokhah 1989). LMD was available only to university students. There was no opportunity for high school and junior high school students to attend such training. The birth of the SII program offered similar activities to school students. Other than training programs, Islamic activities for adolescents were held from 1976, although initially they were not well organized.

Salman Movement Influences

The Salman Mosque with its organization named karisma was the most influential Islamic institution in the Islamic youth resurgence movement in Bandung and in Indonesia. Thousands of young people from Jakarta, Bogor and other cities in Indonesia came to attend a short Islamic course, which he called ‘mental training’, at Salman Mosque at The Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB, Institut Teknologi Bandung). The course was given by Imaduddin, an electrical engineer, a lecturer at the institute, who had also graduated from the ITB. Imaduddin is one of the most important figures involved in the establishment of the Salman Mosque, and in general in the emergence of Islamic youth resurgent movement in Bandung.

Curriculum of Salman Mentoring

The topics of discussion stress moral education and basic rituals, such as prayer, religious alms (zakat), fasting and pilgrimage (haji). Students learn about the meanings and functions of rituals, to recite prayer and the detailed rules for many rituals (ibadah). The moral (akhlaq) education portrays some ideal Islamic personages, for example the Prophet and his companions. Students learn proper Islamic behavior toward God (Allah), people and other creatures. The purpose of this stage is to lay a basic foundation for the development of Muslim personality.

Decline of Salman Movement and Emergence of “Harakah” Movement

(1990s-2007)

Since the 1980s there was another phenomenon, namely the emergence and development of various Islamic movements, known as Harakah (an Arabic, ‘movement’). Different from Salman Movements, these Islamic movements were not formal Islamic organizations, their networking not only in one university but inter-state-university movement and some of them were even called underground movements. Moreover, unlike those formal Islamic movements founded by traditionalist ulama, the experts in traditional Islamic knowledge, these new Islamic movements were founded and pioneered by young preachers, most of them not trained in the traditional Islamic education system, pesantren, but in public schools and universities. The main base of these movements was usually the various campus Islamic preaching institutions (LDK, Lembaga Dakwah Kampus) and the public mosques. The differentiation between Salman and Harakah movement was relied on the longterm-goal. Harakah Movement pursues establishing of political Islam as the consequence of the principle “Islam is way of life”.

B. JAMAAH SHALAHUDDIN (University of Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta)

History

Five students[9] of University of Gadjah Mada had set up Jamaah Shalahuddin in 1976.[10] They wanted to terminate the “Muslim GMNI-HMI” conflict. In that year student movement activity at Gadjah Mada was mostly dominated by the competitiveness between GMNI (the Indonesian Nationalist Student Movement) and HMI (the Islamic Student Association). GMNI is a secular-nationalist student organization and was formerly related to PNI. HMI is an Islamic student Organization and was in the past very close to the Masyumi party. Karim (2006) describes that some Muslim students were really concern about the evident that the Dakwah of Islam at the Campus always failed to reach the Muslim GMNI students. This was simply because the dakwah was seen to just belonging HMI. Federspiel (1995) mentioned that Dakwah defined as efforts to improve thought and behavior to be in accord with ideal Islamic standard and public efforts by Islamic groups to upgrade the general behavior of the Muslim community.[11] Indeed, Shalahuddin activists claim that their organization become an independent dakwah organization on campus and does not have connected with any extra-university student organization. They start a balance and independent method of dakwah.

Jamaah Shalahuddin and Dakwah Movement (1979-1997)

The focus of activities of Shalahuddin was totally dakwah around Muslim circle in Gadjah Mada University campus. It means that the aim of Shalahuddin activities is to sharpen Muslims’ commitment to Islam so that they never tried to convert any non-muslim become Muslim. See schema Shalahuddin’s circle of dakwah.

Schema Shalahuddin’s circle of dakwah

Source: Extracted from Statue of Jamaah Shalahuddin art 10 and 11 (1999)

C. ARIEF RACHMAN HAKIM UI MOSQUE (SALEMBA) AND SALAM UI (DEPOK)

History and Program (1976-2007)

In 1950 University of Indonesia was founded in Jakarta, Salemba, making it one of Indonesia’s oldest universities. UI is home to ARH mosque and SALAM UI. ARH mosque was historical building as first modern building who built by indigenous technocrat Indonesia. ARH Mosque and its Islamic activities were established since 10^th November 1966[12]. When Muslim students returned from training preacher in Salman mosque (ITB) to their universities, they began to develop Islamic activities in their own universities. Not surprisingly, in 1976 to 1977 Islamic activities mushroomed on university campuses throughout Java. At the University of Indonesia (UI) Jakarta, the Arief Rahman Hakim Mosque was a centre of Islamic activities. In Gajah Mada University Yogyakarta, Islamic activities also developed through Jama'ah Shalahuddin. Similar phenomena also spread widely in Surabaya and other cities outside Java. Basically, activists of ARH UI mosque student organization did similar method with Salman mosque ITB and Jamaah Shalahuddin, UGM in Mentoring and Cadre Recruitment, but different with types and approach of dakwah Program. Troy (2006) told that ARH Mosque UI and SALAM UI divide dakwah program became three parts[13], firstly teaching History of Islam. This program included Muhammad’s life history, learning Arabic language and history of caliphate of Islam. SALAM UI established an Islam learning Center to facilitate this program. Secondly, Shari’ah Banking Training. Lastly, Muslim world issue programs, especially Palestine update news[14].

III. 2 Analysis of Intra-Campus base of Islamic Student of Organizations

Salman ITB, Jamaah Shalahuddin UGM and ARH-SALAM UI

1. Emergence of dakwah Movement in Indonesia initially pioneered by Salman Mosque with Imaduddin tutorial in the Training for the defenders of dakwah (LMD) in 1976. This program concerns with the basic values of Islam and the obligation for every Muslim to do the dakwah. However Imaduddin fails to develop dakwah training become dakwah movement. The creative young preacher from Bandung, Hilmi Aminuddin who graduated from Madina School continue dakwah training and modify mentoring to halaqah/usrah (study circle) system that had been influenced from Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt[15]. The different with mentoring system was the members of halaqah should be put in the same stage of understanding of Islam and had strong commitment to teach other Muslim with the similar curriculum and method. He established standardization of curriculum of basic of Islam with brief explanation (schema of module system in Arabic language). Furthermore, Hilmi Aminuddin becomes charismatic and successful preacher and now (2004-2009) he is the chairman of central consultative board (majelis syuro) of Justice and Welfare Party (PKS).
2. Dakwah movement in campus tried not to reproduce the traditionalist-modernist dichotomy amongst Indonesian Muslims at the beginning of new order. In consequences, the dakwah Movement by Salman ITB, Jamaah Shalahuddin UGM and ARH-SALAM UI was very successful for recruiting Muslim traditionalist (NU) and modernist (Muhammadiyah) student background.
3. Since the implementation of the “normalization of campus life” policy (NKK or Normalisasi Kehidupan Kampus) by Ministry of Education Mr. Daoed Joesoef in 1970s, the students had limited space for their activities. This limitation proved to be a blessing for religious student activities. Because religious activities were the safe place from government repression for students, religious activities at university campus became increasingly important.
4. Formally, Islamic Student Organization as Intra-campus base did not involve in political practices, their goals only sharpen Muslims’ commitment to Islam. However just one month before the fall of Soeharto, Salman ITB, Shalahuddin UGM, ARH-SALAM UI and other Islamic student organizations from 63 universities around the region in their 10th forum in Malang to launch their political wing. On 29 April 1998, KAMMI (Indonesian Muslim Students’ Action Front) was formed and later become an important part of Muslim student political movement during reformasi era[16].

Schema Strategic Intra-campus Islamic Student Movement

III. 3 Extra-Campus base Islamic Student Organizations

KAMMI (Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia)

Indonesian Muslim Student Action Union

History

Elizabeth (2004) describes that KAMMI was established in March 1998 as a national organization of Muslim students from the network of campus-based dakwah groups (Lembaga Dakwah Kampus or LDK) to support the pro-democracy reformasi movement[17]. According to Van (2004) KAMMI comes out of the dakwah movement, a religious movement of purification and intensification. All dakwah group believe Indonesia should have an Islamic government, but, while other dakwah groups in Indonesia reject democracy outright, KAMMI maintains the belief that “There is no contradiction between Islam and Democracy[18]. KAMMI played a central role in the tumultuous politics of the reformasi movement to bring down Soeharto.

Mission and Demonstration Activities

According to its mission statement, KAMMI is to train leaders for the struggle to establish an Islamic society through social service and political education. The reform of society is to be accomplished through individual commitment to Islamic values. KAMMI members are concerned with the Islamic commitment signs, such as daily prayers and Islamic dress, including the jilbab. This is a symbol of the solidarity they value. Since 1998 KAMMI-organized demonstrations are noted for their discipline. Members maintain that KAMMI is a moral rather than a political movement. Yet in 2001-2003 KAMMI was at the forefront of groups demanding that President Abdurrahman Wahid step down from the presidency or be impeached for his alleged involvement in corruption and mismanagement of crises confronting Indonesia. KAMMI leaders explain that the purpose of such aksi is to “call attention to” national issues, like Brunei-gate, a scandal involving accountability for funds given to President Abdurrahman Wahid by the Sultan of Brunei. However, critics of KAMMI from HMI report rumors that Fuad Bawazier, former minister of finance in Soeharto’s last cabinet, disbursed Rp. 300.000.000, ($30,000) to bring students to Jakarta for a demonstration against Abdurrahman Wahid on January 29, 2001[19].

HMI (Himpunan Mahasiswa Indonesia)

Muslim University Student

The Himpunan Mahasiswa Indonesia was founded in 1947 in Yogyakarta and split over into two part in 1989 due to whether to give in the pressure of the regime to replace the Islamic basis of Organization with national ideology of Pancasila. The National Organization of Muslim University Students (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam or HMI) split over this issue, and those with Islamist sympathies formed the Council to Safeguard HMI (HMI Majelis Penyelamat Organisasi or MHI MPO) and went underground for twelve years (1989-2001). During the Soeharto era, HMI became a training ground for students with political ambitions. A network of HMI alumni developed linking elites in the entire major political parties. This led to the development of a distinctive political culture in HMI. HMI is an important organization for establishing networks. However, outsiders have described HMI as elitist and as having a “patron-client” culture through the strong HMI alumni association (Korps Alumni HMI or KAHMI).

IMM (Ikatan Mahasiswa Muhammadiyah)

The University Student’s Solidarity of Muhammadiyah

The IMM was founded in 1965 which is comprised of branches that function on the campuses of Muhammadiyah and state university. All student enrolled in Muhammadiyah University are member of IMM but not all are considered to be active participation in organization. The IMM recruitment process is called mataf masa taaruf. It is a short training intended to familiarize interested youth with the ideology of Muhammadiyah.

PMII (Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia)

Muslim Student Indonesia Movement

The PMII is NU (Nahdatul Ulama) student organization which was founded in 17 April 1960 in Surabaya. This organization was established by activist, who involved in IPNU (Nahdatul Ulama Student Union)[20]. The Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia argue that Pancasila represents an ideal “middle way” through the path of competing ideologies in Indonesia, specifically religious radicalism and free market-based liberalism. PMII believe that Pancasila, was able to overcome all the problems that faced Indonesia because within its principles were the essentials: faith in god, democracy, social justice, equality, and unity. PMII went on to say that the PMII similar with NU, due to NU chairman of central board Hasyim Muzadi, regarded the status of Pancasila as the national ideology as settled, not debatable again[21].

HAMMAS (Himpunan Mahasiswa Muslim Antar Kampus)

Association of Muslim Student Inter-Campus

The HAMMAS was established in October 1998, shortly after the fall of Soeharto. Many Activist HAMMAS support Ahmad Soemargono (KISDI) movement due to the strunggle against America and Jews in Palestine. HAMMAS is based in second-ranked universitie in Jakarta and west Java claimed in August 1999 have 10,000 members, yet this was most probably an over-estimate of its true strength. The name HAMMAS, chosen to declare militant support for Palestinians, reflects the militant and radical orientation of this group. In June 2000, HAMMAS joined in an attack on the National Commission on Human Rights to protest what was said to be a biased report on the shooting of Muslim demonstrators in Tanjung Priok in 1984. The mobilization of HAMMAS in this attack and in support of President Habibie in 1999 showed that political elites could recruit marginalized urban youth to the Islamist cause and use them in support of their own interests[22].

GPI (Gerakan Pemuda Islam)

Islamic Youth Movement

The GPI was founded on 6^th October 1969 as the result the 3^rd National Meeting of Muslim Unity (Pesatuan Umat Islam) in Jakarta[23]. Because of repressive condition in New Order era, GPI was banned and then GPI formally, was dissolved. After Soeharto falls down, activist Muslim reestablished GPI on 3^rd October 1999 in Surabaya. The GPI was at the forefront of leading anti-American demonstrations in the run-up to the Iraq war in early 2003. The group made headlines when it recruited and dispatched 300 students to go to Afghanistan to fight alongside the Taliban against the Americans. It has been active in recruiting for foreign jihads, including Afghanistan and Chechnya. The financial matter for these programs has come from the Saudi-based charity, World Assembly for Muslim Youth (WAMY)[24].

III. 4 Analysis Extra-Campus Base Islamic Student Organizations

Fundamental of Movement

1. All of Extra-campus base Islamic student organizations involved in political strunggle in 1998-2001. There were different reasons of movement among Islamic student organizations. KAMMI and HAMMAS involved in Political practices due to they believe that Islam is only solution to solve Indonesia problem. HMI, PMII, IMM have badly repressive experiences with Soeharto and New Order so that they fight Soeharto policies in the past time. GPI and HAMMAS takes into account in political strunggle due to Soeharto always obey America command. They focus to help and enhance people awareness related with Palestine and Muslim world issue.

Scheme Fundamental of Movement[25]

Scheme Fundamental of Movement[26]

2. KAMMI was founded by dakwah groups from some sixty campus mosques and had links with the Muslim Brotherhood-influenced Tarbiyah movement. KAMMI incorporated numerous HMI members (especially from the dissident wing, HMI-MPO) too, but its leading activists tended to consider HMI and especially its alumni association, KAHMI, as too close to the regime. PMII activists, on the other hand, tended not to join this Muslim student front but to ally themselves with their secular colleagues in action committees that were more radical in their rejection of the New Order[27].

Scheme Position of Islamic Organization in Ideology Issue[28]

3. Relationship extra-campus Islamic student Organizations with political and/or religious-social institutions had been well known. For instance, there is structural relationship between IMM and Muhammadiyah, PMII and Nahdatul Ulama. Many alumni from Islamic Student Organizations involved actively in political party such as KAMMI alumni in PKS and HMI alumni in Golkar. Base on similarity of political agenda between GPI and MMI, so author put GPI and MMI leaded by Abu Bakar Ba’ashir had connection among them.

Scheme Relationship extra-campus base

Islamic Student Organization with political/social Institutions[29]

Note There is relationship There is informal relationship There is structural relationship

4. During the mid to late 1980s, the number of dakwah movement that developed amongst young Muslim student increased. Dakwah movement which developed during this period, due to influences of International Islamic movements, mostly came from outside Indonesia, especially from the Middle East. These movements were Muslim Brotherhood, Hizb al-Tahrir, Salafiyah, Dar al-Arqam, and Jama'ah Tabligh. KAMMI, IMM and GPI, for instance, using Ikhwan al-Muslimin literature to guide their movement, HAMMAS and GPI activists in 2005 established Hizb al-Tahrir Indonesia, PMII and HMI using literature from Ali Syariati and the other pioneers of Islamic Iran movement.

5. Kraince (2003) divided poles of Islamic student activist following reformasi into two groups. Firstly, liberal Islamic movement calling for the establishment of pluralistic democracy based on tolerance, social justice and a strong civil society. Secondly, hardliner groups who promote Islam as a political ideology aiming for sectarian control of the state (2003) [30]. However Kraince did not mention who they are. Based on author analysis, HAMMAS and GPI included hardliner groups because they strongly promoted Islam is ideology of state. KAMMI, PMII, HMI, and IMM included as Liberal Islamic Movement due to they did not promote Islam as ideology of states. The difference between PMII and KAMMI that PMII sustains Pancasila as ideology of state and support pluralism. Yet KAMMI believe that Islam is way of life and support Islamization in context Pancasila state. See scheme position Islamic student organization in ideology issue.

6. The radical, rebellious, underground and secretive nature of these Islamic groups became important factors which attracted young activists to join them. Members of these groups usually became activists and the motor of various Islamic activities both in campus preaching organization and in the public mosques, through which they recruited their new members. This does not mean that there is a clear division among activists of Islamic groups, preaching organizations and of public mosques, since one activist can be a member of an Islamic group and at the same time an activist of public mosque and of preaching organization.

IV. Impact Islamic Student Organizations to Muslim Community and State

1. One of the most common phenomena associated with the development of the Islamic student organizations was the increased number of young female Muslim students who wore Jilbab (hijab). This is positive sign of Islamization in Campus and Muslim community as a whole.

2. The emergence of many Islamic student organizations in 1998-2005 makes Islamic issue become popular in media. This was caused by most agenda demonstration related with topic of Islamic value such as pornography laws, supporting shariah laws in local government and Islamic education issue. In the result of these, Government and parliament give much attention related Islamic issue so that government and parliament avoid secular agenda, the attempt to make separation between Islam and state. In short, secular policies become unpopular in Indonesia society as a whole.

3. The democratic education significantly increases in result of Islamic student movement in political area. KAMMI, IMM, HMI and PMII making great stride towards promoting critical conscience particularly to their member and generally to Indonesia society.

References:

1. Department of Higher Education of Ministry of Educationt Republic Indonesia, http://www.dikti.depdiknas.go.id/ (date accessed: November 16, 2007)

2. Elizabeth Fuller Collins 2004, Islam and Habit of Democracy Islamic Organizations in Post-New Order South Sumatra, Revised Sept.

3. Elizabeth Fuller Collins 2004, Islam is solution. Dakwah and Democracy in Indonesia

4. Federspiel, H. A 1995 Dictionary of Indonesian Islam, Monograph in International Studies, Southeast Asia Series Number 94. Athens: Center for International Studies, Ohio University. p.45

5. http://epress.anu.edu.au/islamic/quest/mobile_devices/index.html A Quest of true Islam, date accessed November 17, 2007

6. http://pmiiliga.wordpress.com/sekilas-tentang-pmii/ data accessed November 17, 2007

7. http://www.depdiknas.go.id/index.php Department of Education Republic Indonsia (date accessed: November 16, 2007)

8. http://www.uga.edu/bahai/2003n/031220.html data accessed November 17, 2007

9. http://www.ui.ac.id/indonesia/menu_statis.php?id=a4&hal=a_masjid date accessed November 16, 2007

10. Johnson, A Troy,.2006. Islamic Student Organizations and Democratic Development in Indonesia, June 2006

11. Karim, Gaffar Abdul 2006,. Islamic Student Organization in Indonesia’s New Order: Jamaah Shalahuddin, FJHP volume 23

12. Karim, Gaffar Abdul.2006,. Islamic Student Organization in Indonesia’s New Order: Jamaah Shalahuddin, FJHP volume 23 (2006) page 53

13. Kraince, R (2003). The Role of Islamic Student Activist in Divergent Movement for Reform During Indonesia’s Transition from Authoritarian Rule, 1988-2001

14. Rosyad, Rifki 1995. A Study of the Islamic Resurgence movement among Youth in Bandung, Indonesia, Chapter 3. The Development of the Movement.

15. Tempo, 13/5/1989. p73ff

16. Tempo, 13/5/1989. p74ff

17. Van Bruinessen 2004. Post-Soeharto Muslim Engagements with Civil Society and Democracy in Indonesia.

18. Van Bruinessen, martin. Genealogies od Islamic Radicalism in Post-Soeharto Indonesia http://www.let.uu.nl/~martin.vanbruinessen/personal/publications/genealogies_islamic_radicalism.htm

19. Wikipedia Indonesia. http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerakan_Pemuda_Islam Data accessed November 17, 2007

Annex 1 Summary

Intra-Campus Islamic Student Organizations (Author Analysis)

Annex 2 Summary

Extra-Campuses Islamic Student Organizations (Author Analysis)

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[1] Author is Achmad Nur Hidayat who involved in Islamic student organization in 1999-2005. Now he is Master Candidate of Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore. Authors has defined this research only from 1980-2007.

[2] This definition based on information from statue of Campus Lembaga Dakwah Kampus, HMI and KAMMI.

Extracted from Department of Higher Education of Ministry of Educationt Republic Indonesia, http://www.dikti.depdiknas.go.id/ (date accessed: November 16, 2007)

[3] http://www.depdiknas.go.id/index.php Department of Education Republic Indonsia (date accessed: November 16, 2007)

[4] Rosyad, Rifki. A Study of the Islamic Resurgence movement among Youth in Bandung, Indonesia, Chapter 3. The Development of the Movement.

[5] Rosyad, Rifki 1995. A Study of the Islamic Resurgence movement among Youth in Bandung, Indonesia, Chapter 3. The Development of the Movement.

[6] Tempo, 13/5/1989. p73ff

[7] Tempo, 13/5/1989. p74ff

[8] Rosyad, Rifki.1995. A Study of the Islamic Resurgence movement among Youth in Bandung, Indonesia, Chapter 3. The Development of the Movement.

[9] They were Ahmad Fanani, Muchlis ZA, A Luqman, M Toyibi and Samhari Baswedan. Fanani, Muchlish and Luqman were student of faculty o Engineering. Toyibi and Samhari were student of medicine.

[10] Karim, Gaffar Abdul 2006,. Islamic Student Organization in Indonesia’s New Order: Jamaah Shalahuddin, FJHP volume 23

[11] Federspiel, H. A 1995 Dictionary of Indonesian Islam, Monograph in International Studies, Southeast Asia Series Number 94. Athens: Center for International Studies, Ohio University. p.45

[12] http://www.ui.ac.id/indonesia/menu_statis.php?id=a4&hal=a_masjid date accessed November 16, 2007

[13] Johnson, A Troy,.2006. Islamic Student Organizations and Democratic Development in Indonesia, June 2006

[14] Author findings from interaction with SALAM UI in 1999-2005

[15] This is base on personal information from discussion with dakwah movement

[16] Karim, Gaffar Abdul.2006,. Islamic Student Organization in Indonesia’s New Order: Jamaah Shalahuddin, FJHP volume 23 (2006) page 53

[17] Elizabeth Fuller Collins 2004, Islam and Habit of Democracy Islamic Organizations in Post-New Order South Sumatra, Revised Sept.

[18][18] Van Bruinessen 2004. Post-Soeharto Muslim Engagements with Civil Society and Democracy in Indonesia.

[19] Elizabeth Fuller Collins 2004, Islam is solution. Dakwah and Democracy in Indonesia

[20] http://pmiiliga.wordpress.com/sekilas-tentang-pmii/ data accessed November 17, 2007

[21] http://www.uga.edu/bahai/2003n/031220.html data accessed November 17, 2007

[22] Elizabeth Fuller Collins, Islam is Solution Dakwah and Democracy in Indonesia, June 2004

[23] Extract from wikipedia Indonesia. http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerakan_Pemuda_Islam Data accessed November 17, 2007

[24] Elizabeth Fuller Collins, Islam and Habit of Democracy Islamic Organizations in Post-New Order South Sumatra, Revised Sept. 2004

[25] Author analysis extract from A Quest of true Islam http://epress.anu.edu.au/islamic/quest/mobile_devices/index.html date accessed November 17, 2007

[26] Author analysis extract from A Quest of true Islam http://epress.anu.edu.au/islamic/quest/mobile_devices/index.html date accessed November 17, 2007

[27] Van Bruinessen, martin. Genealogies od Islamic Radicalism in Post-Soeharto Indonesia http://www.let.uu.nl/~martin.vanbruinessen/personal/publications/genealogies_islamic_radicalism.htm

[28] Author analysis

[29] Author analysis

[30] Kraince, R (2003). The Role of Islamic Student Activist in Divergent Movement for Reform During Indonesia’s Transition from Authoritarian Rule, 1988-2001